黒太子エドワードの墓

黒太子エドワードの墓


We are searching data for your request:

Forums and discussions:
Manuals and reference books:
Data from registers:
Wait the end of the search in all databases.
Upon completion, a link will appear to access the found materials.


ファイル:黒太子の墓、カンタベリー大聖堂.jpg

日付/時刻をクリックすると、その時点で表示されていたファイルが表示されます。

日付時刻サムネイル寸法ユーザーコメント
現在2013年11月18日20:30647×437(346 KB) ギノグ国境、レベルを失う
2013年10月28日22:20 />720×540(134 KB) クロッツUploadWizardを使用してユーザーが作成したページ


エドワード・オブ・ウッドストック、プリンス・オブ・ウェールズの碑文

エドワードの称号である黒王子は、歴史上頻繁に使用されていましたが、チューダー期まで証拠として発見されなかったため、彼の性格や評判を評価するために使用するのは誤りです。そのようなタイトルの背後にある理由はあいまいであり、今後もそうなります。それは彼の黒い鎧に起因するのでしょうか?いいえ、戦闘のために磨かれたときに彼の鎧は黒くならないので。それは彼の独裁的な気性についてのその後のコメントでしたか、それとも推定されるフランスのプロパガンダの例でさえ、彼を彼らの最も注目すべき敵として黒く塗りましたか?これらのいずれかの証拠はありません。

カンタベリー大聖堂にある王子の墓の碑文は、傲慢さも独裁的なプライドも著しく欠けていますが、彼を軽蔑に値する「caitiff」として描いています。これはオリジナルの構成ではありませんが、13世紀の匿名のフランス語訳に基づいています。 Clericalis Disciplina ヘンリー1世の医師であったペトルスアルフォンシによってラテン語で書かれました。墓にはフランス語で書かれていますが、ここでは古家のJウィーバーによって翻訳されています。 :古代葬儀の記念碑、1631年.

通りすがりの人は誰なのか、

これらの軍団が埋葬された場所:

私が言うことを理解する

この時に話すように私はそうするかもしれません。

あなたの芸術のように、いつか私でした、

私のように、あなたはそうあるべきです。

私は死の時についてほとんど考えませんでした

息を楽しんでいる限り。

ここに私が持っていた大きな富

その中で私は大いなる気高さを作りました。

私は金、銀、ワードローブ、そして

素晴らしい宝物、馬、家、土地。

しかし今、私は貧しいcaitiffです

地面の奥深く、ここに私は嘘をつきます

私の素晴らしい美しさはすべて完全になくなっています、

私の肉は骨に無駄になっています。

私の家は今狭くて賑わっています、

真実以外の何物も私の舌から来ません:

そして、もしあなたがたが今日私に会うべきなら

私は思いませんが、あなたがたは言うでしょう

私が男になったことがなかったこと

今はとても変わっています

神のために天国の王に祈ってください

彼が私の魂を天国にもたらすために、

祈って一致するすべての彼ら

私の神と主まで私のために:

神は彼を彼の楽園に置き、

そこには惨めなcaitiffはありません。

ここでは、悲惨なケイティフであるプリンスオブウェールズのエドワードが、人間の祈りと神の慈悲のサプリカントとして、ずっと嘘をついています。

壮大なプランタジネット王子でさえ、死は私たち全員を平準化します。

シャドウクイーンは2017年5月4日に公開されました。


黒太子エドワード

黒太子エドワード (ウッドストック宮殿、オックスフォードシャー、1330年6月15日–ウェストミンスター宮殿、1376年6月8日)は、イングランドのエドワード3世の長男でした。

エドワード黒太子
生まれ1330年6月15日
死亡しました1376年6月8日(45歳)
配偶者ジョーン・オブ・ケント(m。1361-1376)
父親イングランドのエドワード3世

エドワードはオックスフォード近くのウッドストック宮殿で生まれました。彼は1343年にプリンスオブウェールズになり、父親に続いてフランスと戦いました。彼は有名な兵士になり、クレシーの戦いの勝利を助け、ポワティエの戦いを指揮しました。彼はガーター勲章の創設メンバーでした。 1361年、彼はいとこのジョーン・オブ・ケントと結婚しました。彼らにはエドワードとリチャードの2人の息子がいました。長男エドワードは6歳のときに亡くなりました。

ウッドストックのエドワードは歴史上「黒太子」として知られるようになりましたが、ニックネームの理由は誰にもわかりません。彼は45歳で亡くなり、カンタベリー大聖堂に埋葬されました。彼の父はまだ生きていたので、彼自身が王になることはありませんでした。彼は父親に息子のリチャードにプリンスオブウェールズの称号を与えるように頼みました。息子のリチャードは後にイギリスのリチャード2世になりました。 。


ファイル:黒太子の墓、カンタベリー大聖堂.jpg

日付/時刻をクリックすると、その時点で表示されていたファイルが表示されます。

日付時刻サムネイル寸法ユーザーコメント
現在2013年11月18日20:30647×437(346 KB) Guinnog(トーク|寄稿) 国境、レベルを失う
2013年10月28日22:20 />720×540(134 KB) KLOTZ(トーク|寄稿) UploadWizardを使用してユーザーが作成したページ

このファイルを上書きすることはできません。


多分彼は彼がするためにいくつかの説明があると思った

おそらく、エドワードの人生のより暗い側面に最も密接に関連する行為は、百年戦争の間に起こったと、BBCは言います。エドワードは1362年にアキテーヌの王子に指名されました。エドワードの友人はフランス軍をリモージュの町に迎え入れて彼を裏切り、イギリス軍に対抗しました。エドワードは、怒り狂って町を襲撃し、虐殺が起こった。老いも若きも、人生のどの場所にいても、住人たちは慈悲を求めました。エドワードはと殺を命じた。何人が亡くなりましたか?あなたが誰を信じるかによります。あるクロニスタはその数を3,000にした。 2014年頃に発見されたエドワード自身からの手紙には、100人の兵士と200人の民間人が含まれています。当時の戦争は今と同じように残酷であり、ある意味ではもっと残酷でした。実際の数がどうであれ、Limogesでの事件はまだ冷たくて大変な悲劇でした。

彼は、父親である王の前に、46歳で亡くなったイングランドの王位に昇進することはありませんでした。彼の人生の終わりに向かって、エドワードは彼の罪の少なくともいくつかを贖うことを試みたという兆候があります。伝統的に、英国の王族はウェストミンスター大聖堂に埋葬されていましたが、エドワードはカンタベリー大聖堂に埋葬されることを選択しました。カンタベリー大聖堂は、伝統的に王族ではなく、苦行と巡礼の場所でした。


英国人名事典、1885-1900 /エドワード黒太子

エドワード、プリンスオブウェールズ(1330–1376)、黒太子と呼ばれ、時にはエドワード4世(ユーロジー)とエドワード3世の長男であるウッドストックのエドワード(ベイカー)[q。 v。]とフィリッパ女王は1330年6月15日にウッドストックで生まれました。彼の父親は9月10日にチェスター郡の利益から年間500マルクを彼の維持のために許可し、2月25日にこれらすべてに続いて利益は彼と王の妹エレノアを維持するために女王に割り当てられました(Fœdera、ii。 798、811)。その年の7月、王は彼をフランスのフィリップ6世の娘と結婚させることを提案しました(ib。 NS。 822)。 1333年3月18日、彼はチェスターの伯爵と郡に投資され、1337年2月9日の議会でコーンウォール公爵が創設され、3月17日付けのチャーターで公国を受け取った。これは、イギリスで公爵が創設された最初の事例です。憲章の条件により、公国は彼とイングランド王の長男によって保持されることになっていた(Courthope、p.9)。彼の家庭教師はウォルターバーリー博士でした[q。 v。]マートンカレッジ、オックスフォード。彼の収入は、1334年3月に母親が彼と彼の2人の姉妹、イザベラとジョアン(Fœdera、ii。 880)。差し迫ったフランスの侵略の噂により、1335年8月に王は、彼と彼の家族が安全な場所としてノッティンガム城に移動するように命じました(ib。 NS。 919)。 1337年の終わりに2人の枢機卿が王とフィリップの間で和平を結ぶためにイギリスに来たとき、コーンウォール公はロンドン市の外で彼らに会い、多くの貴族と一緒に王に彼らを導いたと言われています(ホリンシェッド)。 1338年7月11日、フランダースのためにイギリスを離れようとしていた彼の父は、彼の不在中に彼を王国の守護者に任命し、1340年5月27日と1342年10月6日に同じ事務所に任命された(Fœdera、ii。 1049、1125、1212)彼はもちろん若すぎて、評議会によって引き継がれた政権の名目上の部分を除けば取ることができませんでした。ブラバント公ジョンを彼の大義に結びつけるために、1339年に王はコーンウォール公とジョンの娘マーガレットの間の結婚を提案し、1345年の春にこの結婚のための調剤のために教皇クレメンス6世に緊急に手紙を書きました((ib。 ii。 1083、iii。 32、35)。 1343年5月12日、エドワードはウェストミンスターで開催された議会で公爵プリンスオブウェールズを創設し、サークレット、金の指輪、銀の棒で彼を投資しました。王子は1345年7月3日に父親をスルイスに連れて行き、エドワードはゲント、ブルージュ、イプレスの市長に息子を領主として受け入れるよう説得しようとしましたが、ヴァンアルテヴェルデの殺害はこのプロジェクトに終止符を打ちました。 9月と次の4月の両方で、王子はフランスでの差し迫ったキャンペーンのために彼の公国と伯爵から軍隊を供給するように求められました、そして彼が王の奉仕で多額の借金を負ったとき、彼の父は彼に彼の意志を作ることを許可しました、そしてそれを提供しました彼が戦争に陥った場合に備えて、彼の遺言執行者は1年間すべての収入を得る必要があります(ib。 iii。 84)。彼は7月11日に王と一緒に航海し、ラホーグに着陸するとすぐに、父親から騎士の資格を取得しました(ib。NS。ヨーク大司教へのエドワード3世の90通の手紙、 レトロスペクティブレビュー、 私。 119 腐敗。パール iii。 163チャンドス、l。 145)。それから彼は「正しいスタートを切った」。彼はコタンタンを通り抜け、燃え尽きて荒廃し、カーンを奪取し、イギリス軍の阻止に努めたゴデマール・デュ・ファウの下で部隊と交戦したことで際立った。軍はブランケタックのフォードによってソンム川を渡ることから。 8月26日土曜日の早い段階で、彼はクレシーで父親と一緒に聖餐を受け、ウォリック伯とオックスフォード伯、ジェフリーハーコート、チャンドス、その他の指導者とともに軍の右翼またはバンの指揮を執った。頭の中で、その数は決して信頼できるものではありませんが、800人の兵士、2000人の射手、そして1000人のウェールズの足であると言われています。ジェノバの弓兵が不機嫌になり、フランスの最前線が何らかの混乱状態にあったとき、王子は彼らの2番目の線に落ちるために彼の立場を辞めたようです。しかし、この瞬間、アレンソン伯爵は彼が非常に危険にさらされているほどの怒りで彼の師団を起訴し、彼と一緒に命じた指導者たちは彼が非常に厳しい状況にあることを父親に伝え、助けを請うためにメッセンジャーを送りました。エドワードは息子が負傷していないことを知ったとき、メッセンジャーに戻って助けを送らないように言いました。彼であり、彼と彼を担当した人々はそれを尊重すべきである。王子は地面に投げ込まれ(ベイカー、p。167)、ウェールズの旗を掲げたリチャード・ド・ボーモントによって救助されたと言われています。加害者(アビービルの歴史、 NS。 328)。ハーコートは今や助けを求めてアランデルに送った、そして彼はおそらくこの時までにイギリスの地位の上昇の地に進んでいたフランス人を強制的に戻した。次にワディクール側の側面攻撃がアレンソン伯爵とポンチュー伯爵によって行われたが、イギリス軍はそこに強く定着し、フランス軍は防御を突破できず、ロレーヌ公国とアレンソン伯爵とブロワ伯爵を失った。フィリップ王の師団が交戦する前に、彼らの軍隊の2つの最前線は完全に破壊されました。その後、エドワードは予備軍の先頭で前進したように見え、敗走はすぐに完了しました。戦いが終わった後、エドワードが息子に会ったとき、彼は彼を抱きしめ、彼が忠実に無罪となったと宣言し、王子は低くお辞儀をして父親に敬意を表した。翌日、彼はボヘミアの王(バロンシーモアデコンスタント、 クレシーの戦い、ed、1846 Louandre、 Histoired'AbbevilleArchæologia、xxviii。 171)。

王子はクレシーの戦いの後に黒太子の名前を受け取ったと一般的に言われています、そして彼は戦いで黒い鎧を着ていたので彼はそのように呼ばれました。最初に記録された上訴の通知は、リーランドによって与えられたようです(コレクタネア、 ed。ハーン、1774年、ii。 307)「Eulogium」から抽出された「旅程」の見出し。ただし、「黒太子」は、編集者の傍注を除いて、ロールスシリーズの「ユーロジー」には含まれていません。リーランド(ib、pp。471-99)は、「ピーター大学図書館の年代記の本のおかげで」引用で上訴を繰り返しています。この「booke」は、キャクストンの「Chronile」のコピーからのトランスクリプトであり、Brによる続きです。ジョン・ワークワース、大学のマスター、1473-98(カムデン・ソサエティのためにハリウェルによって編集され、「ホワイトローズの年代記」の近代化されたテキストで印刷された、101平方ページ)原稿にはワークワースのサインがあります。モニタム」ですが、調べてみると「ブラックプリンス」という言葉は含まれていません。エドワードに彼の有名な称号を与える他の初期の作家は次のとおりです。クロニクル、NS。 324、1569年に印刷)、「エドワード、ウェールズの王子、黒人の王子と呼ばれた」ホリンシェッド(iii。348、 NS。 20)シェイクスピア、「ヘンリー五世」、II。 iv。 56とスピードで。バーンズ、「エドワード3世の歴史」(1688)、p。 363は、次のように述べています。「この時から、フランス人は彼をル・ネオワールまたは黒太子と呼び始めました。検証を認めます。この名前は、ジェフリー・ル・ベイカーの「ユーロジー」、「クロニクル」、「クロニコン・アングリア」、ヒグデンまたはトレビサの「ポリクロニコン」、またはキャクストンの「クロニル」(1482)には存在せず、使用されていません。 Jehan leBelまたはFroissartによる。 Jehan de Wavrin(NSマーリンの予言を王子に適用するものとして説明する.1474?)は、彼は「Pie-de-Plomb」(Croniques d'Engleterre NS。私。 l。 ii。 NS。 56、ロールス編。私。 236)。ルアンドレ(履歴。ダビービル、 NS。 230)戦いの前に、エドワードは息子を黒い鎧で配列し、王子は彼の紋章の装置で黒を使用したようだと主張している(ニコルズ、 ロイヤルウィルズ、 NS。 66)。 16世紀の歴史家の通知から、名前を書いたときは伝統的であったことが明らかです(この主題は、マレー博士の「新しい英語辞書」、アート、「ブラックプリンス」、pt。iii。col。iiで説明されています。 p。895は、「Antiquary」、vol。xvii。No。100、p。183を比較します。王子が3羽のダチョウの羽の紋章とクレシーの戦いで殺害されたボヘミアの王からのモットー「Ichdien」をとったという話に関しては、まず、ダチョウの羽について、ジョン・アーダーンの[q。 v。]ウィリアム・シートン(スローンMS。 56、f。 74、14セント)は、前のページへの参照のマークとして使用されるダチョウの羽であり、同じデバイスが発生します。 、primogenitus E.regisAngliæ、super cristam suam、et illam pennam conquisivitdeRegeBoemiæ、quem interfecit apud Cresy in francia '(J。de Arderne、' Miscellanea medica et chirurgica、 'in スローンMS。 335、f。 68、14セント。しかし、そうではありません。 ノートとクエリ、2番目のser。 xi。 293、Arderneの「Practice」で スローンMS。 76、f。 61、英語で書かれた15セント。)SloaneMSでの参照と発言が。 56は、王子の医師であるアルダーンではなく、セトンによるものである可能性があります。おそらく王子の死の前に、クレシーの戦いの後に想定されたダチョウの羽が彼の独特のバッジとして認識されていたのは明らかです。ボヘミアのジョンの紋章はハゲタカの翼全体でしたが、「金のリンデンの葉が散りばめられました」(ライフェンブルク男爵のバランテの詩、 Ducs de Bourgogne OlivierdeVrée、 GénéalogiedesComtesdeFlandre、pp。65-7)、ダチョウは彼の家のバッジであったようで、それはボヘミアのアン女王と彼女の兄弟ウェンゼルによって運ばれ、彼女の墓に彼女の肖像にあります(考古学、xxix、32-59)。羽のバッジは、王子の4つの印章に2つの羽として発生します(ib。 xxxi。 361)、そして彼の意志の指示に従って彼の墓に置かれた交互の紋章の3つの羽として彼の意志の王子は羽が「平和のために」、すなわち馬上槍試合とトーナメントのためであったと言い、それらを彼のバッジと呼びます、彼の紋章ではありません。ダチョウの羽は彼の特別なバッジでしたが、彼の母親が所有するプレートに置かれ、王家のさまざまなメンバーによって1つ以上の羽の形で使用され、リチャード2世の助成によりトーマスモウブレイによって使用されました。ノーフォーク公爵(ib。 354-79)。王子が羽を獲得したという話は、おそらく初めて、カムデンによって彼の「遺物」に印刷されました。彼の初版(1605)で、彼はそれが「ポワティエの戦い」であったと述べています。 161、しかし彼の次の版(1614)、pでこれを修正します。 214.次に、モットーに関して、王子は2つのモットー、「Houmout」と「Ich dien」を使用したようです。これらは両方とも、彼の秘密の印の下にある手紙の署名として追加されています(考古学、xxxi。 381)。彼の意志で、彼は「Houmout」が彼の墓の周りの各護衛に書かれるべきであると指示しました。しかし、それは実際には彼の腕を持っているエスカットチョンの上でのみ発生し、バッジの付いた別のエスカットチョンの上、そして各羽の羽ペンのエスクロルの上に「ichdiene」という言葉があります(ママ)。 「Houmout」は、高い気分または勇気を意味すると解釈されます(ib。 xxxii。 69)。 「Ichdien」とジョン・オブ・ボヘミアを結びつける初期の伝統はありません。 「Houmout」のように、それはおそらく古いフラマン語または低地ドイツ語です。カムデンは彼の「Remaines」(上記の箇所)で、それは古英語、「Ic dien」、つまり「私は奉仕する」であり、王子は「羽のモットーを楽しんだ」と述べており、彼はそれを結び付けています、間違いなく、王子の相続人としての立場で、Epを参照してください。ガラテヤ人への手紙iv。 1.1。

王子はカレー包囲戦に参加し、町が降伏した後、30マイルにわたって国を急いで燃やし、多くの戦利品を彼と一緒に持ち帰りました(Knighton、c.2595)。彼は1347年10月12日に父親と一緒にイギリスに戻り、馬上槍試合やその他の法廷の祝祭に参加し、ガーター勲章を授与されて国王に投資されました。彼は1349年の最後の日にカレーへの王の騎士道遠征に参加し、父親を助けに来ました。戦闘が終わり、王とその囚人が宴会に腰を下ろしたとき、彼と他のイギリスの騎士は王に仕えました。そして彼の客は最初のコースで、そして別のテーブルで肉に腰を下ろした(Froissart、iv.82)。王が1350年8月28日にウィンチェルシーに乗り出し、ラセルダの艦隊を迎撃したとき、王子は別の船で、弟のリッチモンド伯爵(ジョンオブゴーント)と一緒に航海しました。彼の船は大きなスペインの船に取り組まれ、沈む可能性が高いほどの漏れでいっぱいでした、そして彼と彼の騎士は敵を巧みに攻撃しましたが、彼らは彼女を連れて行くことができませんでした。ランカスター伯爵は彼の救助に来て、彼女がすぐに連れて行かれた反対側のスペイン人を攻撃しました、彼女の乗組員は海に投げ込まれました、そして王子と彼の部下が彼女に乗ったとき彼ら自身の船が創設されました(ib。 NS。 95ニコラス、 イギリス海軍、ii。 112)。 1353年、チェシャーでいくつかの騒動が起こったようです。伯爵がランカスター公と一緒にチェスターの近くに行進し、そこで巡回裁判所を保持していた裁判官を保護したためです。伯爵夫人は、巡回裁判所を終わらせるために彼に多額の罰金を支払うことを申し出たが、彼らが問題を整理したと思ったとき、裁判官はトレイルバストンの異端審問を開き、彼らから多額のお金を取り、多くの家を押収し、王子、伯爵、手に多くの土地があります。チェスターから戻ったとき、王子はスタッフォードシャーのデューラクレ修道院を通り過ぎ、祖父のエドワード1世がそこに建てた高貴な教会を見て、合計の10分の1の500点を与えたと言われています。彼は伯爵夫人から取ったもので、その完成に向けて、修道院はほぼ確実にデューラクレではなく、ヴェイルロイヤル(ナイトン、2606年頃)でした。 モナスティコン、v。626、704 Barnes、p。 468)。

エドワードが1355年にフランスとの戦争を再開することを決意したとき、彼は王子に軍隊をアキテーヌに導くように命じましたが、彼の計画はノルマンディーのナバラ王と行動し、ランカスター公はモンフォールの大義を支持しました。ブルターニュ。王子の遠征は、略奪を切望していたガスコンの領主の何人かの要求に従って行われました。 7月10日、国王は彼をガスコーニュで中尉に任命し、彼に代わって行動する権限を与え、8月4日にオマージュを受け取る権限を与えました(Fœdera、iii。 302、312)。彼は6月30日にロンドンを出てプリマスに向かい、逆風でそこに拘束され、9月8日にウォリック伯、サフォーク伯、ソールズベリー伯、オックスフォード伯と一緒に約300隻の船で出航しました。男性の腕、2000人の射手、そしてウェールズの足の大きな体(Avesbury、p.201)。ボルドーでは、ガスコーニュの領主たちが彼を大いに喜んで迎えました。冬の前に短いキャンペーンを行うことが決定され、10月10日に彼は1500の槍、2000の射手、3000の軽い足で出発しました。王が夏の間にどのような作戦計画を立てたとしても、この王子の遠征は純粋に略奪の一部でした。ジュリアック、アルマニャック、アスタラック、およびコマンジュの一部の郡をひどく抱きしめた後、彼はトゥールーズの少し上にあるサンマリーでガロンヌ川を渡りました。伯爵は守備隊がサリーを作ることを許可することを拒否し、王子は通り過ぎて、多くの男性、女性、子供たちが虐待され殺害されたモンギスカーを襲撃し、燃やしました(Froissart、iv。163、373)。略奪されたアヴィニヨネとカステルノーダリ。国全体が豊かで、人々は「善良で、単純で、戦争を知らない」ので、王子は、特にカーペット、カーテン、宝石を大いに台無しにしました。彼は特に貪欲でした(Jehan le Bel、ii。188Froissart、iv。165)。カルカソンヌは連れて行かれ、解雇されましたが、強力な位置にあり、要塞化されていた要塞は連れて行かれませんでした。ウルマ(またはナルボンヌ近くのオンプス)とトレブは彼の軍隊を買収した。彼はナルボンヌを略奪し、要塞を攻撃することを考えました。そこには戦利品がたくさんあると聞いたのですが、それが十分に防御されていることを発見するという考えをあきらめました。彼がそこにいる間、使者が教皇の宮廷から彼のところにやって来て、平和のための交渉を許可するように彼に促した。彼は父親の意志を知らなければ何もできないと答えた(Avesbury、p.215)。ナルボンヌから彼はボルドーに戻る行進に向かった。アルマニャック伯は彼を迎撃しようとしたが、トゥールーズ近郊の小競り合いで敗北したフランス人の小天体が町に退却し、王子は平和にボルドーに戻り、莫大な戦利品を持ち帰った。遠征は8週間続き、その間、王子は訪れたすべての場所で11日間しか休まなかった。そして、武器の偉業を実行せずに、フランスの王は多くのいたずらをした(ジョン・ウィングフィールド卿の手紙、エイブズベリー、222ページ)。翌月、1356年1月21日より前に、彼の指揮下にある指導者たちは5つの町と17の城を縮小しました(J.ウィングフィールド卿の別の手紙、 ib。 NS。 224)。

7月6日、王子はフランスを通過してノルマンディーに向かうことを意図して行われた別の遠征に着手し、そこでナバラ王とジェフリー・ハーコートが率いる党である父親のノルマン同盟国を支援しました。ノルマンディーでは、彼は父親(10月20日付けの王子の手紙)が会うことを期待していたと彼は言います。 考古学、 私。 212フロワサール、iv。 196)。彼は8月4日にベルジュラックでドルドーニュを渡った(この遠征の旅程については参照してください) ユーロジー、iii。 215 sq。)、オーヴェルニュ、リムーザン、ベリーを通り抜け、ブールジュに来るまで略奪と火傷を負い、そこで郊外を燃やしたが、都市を奪うことができなかった。その後、彼は西に向きを変え、8月25日から7日までイスーダンへの攻撃に失敗しました。その間、ジョン王はシャルトルに大きな軍隊を集めていました。そこで彼はロワール川の通路を守ることができ、攻撃の危険。イスーダンから王子は以前の行進に戻り、ビエルゾンを占領しました。そこで彼は、ロワール川を渡ったり、当時ブルターニュにいたランカスターとの合流点を形成することは不可能であることを学びました。したがって、彼はポワティエを経由してボルドーに戻ることを決心し、ビエルゾン城の守備隊のほとんどを殺害した後、29日にロモランティンに向けて出発しました。高度な警備員と小競り合いをしたフランスの騎士の何人かはその場所に退却し、それを聞いたとき、彼は言った。彼は要塞を直接視察し、友人のチャンドスを派遣して駐屯軍を召喚し、降伏させた。その場所はブシコーと他の指導者によって守られ、彼らが召喚を拒否したため、彼は31日にそれを襲撃した。包囲は3日間続き、友人の1人の死に激怒した王子は、その場所を離れないことを宣言しました。最後に彼はギリシア火薬を使って要塞の屋根に火を放ち、9月3日に火を消し、5日にはベリーを通り抜けて行進しました。 9日、今や大きな勢力を集めていたジョン王は、ブロワでロワール川を渡り、彼を追いかけました。王が12日にロシュにいたとき、彼には2万人もの兵士がいて、これらと彼の他の軍隊と共に、彼はショヴィニーに進んだ。 16日と17日、彼の軍隊はヴィエンヌを渡りました。その間、王子はフランス人とほぼ平行に、そして彼らからわずか数マイルの距離で行進していました。彼がフランス人の動きを知らなかったというフロワサールの声明を信じることは不可能です。 14日から16日まで、彼はシャトレローにいました。次の日、土曜日、ポアティエに向かって行進しているときに、フランス軍の兵士が前衛隊と小競り合いをして、軍の本体まで追跡しました。そして、全員が殺害されたか、捕虜になりました。フランスの王は彼を追い越し、彼の退却は少なくとも5万人の軍隊によって遮断されましたが、彼はそうではなかったと言われています。足。ランカスターは彼の安堵のために努力したが、ポン・ド・セでフランス人に止められた(Chronique de Bertrand du Guesclin、 NS。 7)。王子はフランス軍が彼とポアティエの間にあることを知ったとき、街の南東、ミアウソンの右岸と古いローマの道の間の、おそらく今の場所にある高台に立った。ボーヴォワールのコミューンにある農場、ラカルディネリーと呼ばれる、モーペルトゥイスという名前は長い間使われなくなり、その夜そこにとどまりました。翌日、18日日曜日、「ペリゴールの」と呼ばれる枢機卿のエリー・タリーランドは、平和を築くためにジョンから休暇を取得しました。王子は喜んで合意に達し、征服したすべての町や城を放棄し、すべての囚人を解放し、7年間フランスの王に仕えないことを申し出ました。 10万フランの支払いを提供します。しかし、ジョン王は王子と彼の騎士百人が囚人として身を明け渡すように要求するように説得されました、そしてこれに彼は同意しませんでした。枢機卿の交渉は一日中続き、フランス人の利益のために長引いた。ジョンは彼の軍隊に加わるためのさらなる援軍のための時間を与えることを切望していたからである。王子が当時の立場を考えると、フランス人は単に彼らのホストの一部でそれを裾上げすることによって彼の小さな軍隊を破壊したかもしれないので、それを飢えさせるか、それをその強力なステーションを離れて戦うことを強制するかのどちらかです確実に敗北するオープン。とにかく、ジョンは、交渉が進んでいる間、彼がその立場を強化するために彼の軍隊を雇ったので、日曜日の休息を王子に許すことで致命的な間違いをしました。イギリス軍の前線はブドウの木でよく覆われ、その左と後部はミアウソンの峡谷とかなりの荒れた地面であり、その右はヌアイエの森と修道院に隣接していました。軍隊は一日中、塹壕を掘り、柵を作ることに忙しく従事していたので、クレシーのように、一種の塹壕に入った野営地に立っていた(Froissart、v。29Matt。Villani、vii。c.16)。王子は3つの部門で部下を作成しました。最初の部門はワーウィックとサフォークが指揮し、2番目の部門は彼自身が指揮し、後部はソールズベリーとオックスフォードが指揮しました。フランス軍は4つの師団に分かれて作成されたため、その優れた数の利点の多くを失いました。彼の最初の列の前と彼の位置につながった狭い車線の両側に、王子はヘッジによって十分に保護された彼の射手を配置し、300人の兵士と300人の弓騎兵の一種の待ち伏せを投稿しましたノルマンディー公が指揮する、敵の2回目の戦いの側面に倒れることになっていた弓騎兵。 19日の夜明けに王子は彼の小さな軍隊に話しかけ、戦いが始まりました。 300人の選ばれた兵士が狭い車線を通り抜けてイギリス軍の陣地を強制しようとしたが、射手に撃墜された。ドイツ軍の集団とそれに続く軍の第1師団が混乱に陥り、待ち伏せ中のイギリス軍が第2師団を側面に突撃し、それが揺れ始めたとき、イギリス軍の兵士が馬を乗せた。彼らの近くに留まり、丘を下って突進した。王子はチャンドスを脇に置き、彼の友人は争いの中で彼に良い奉仕をしました[チャンドス、ジョン卿を参照]。彼らが告発する準備をしていると、彼は叫びました。神と聖ジョージの名前!」事前警備隊を除くすべてのフランス人は徒歩で戦い、ノルマンディー公の師団はすでに揺らいでいたが、イギリス軍の告発に立ち向かうことができず、無秩序に逃げた。オルレアン公の下の次の師団も、それほど恥ずべきことではありませんが逃げましたが、後部は、王の下で、多くの勇気を持って戦いました。 「ライオンの勇気を持っていた王子は、その日の戦いで大喜びしました。」戦闘は午後3時過ぎまで続き、完全に敗北したフランス人はフィールドに1万1000人の死者を残し、そのうち2,426人は穏やかな出生の男性でした。百人近くの伯爵、男爵、旗手、そして二千人の兵士が捕虜になり、王とその末っ子のフィリップが捕らえられました。英語の損失は大きくありませんでした。王が彼に連れてこられたとき、王子は彼を敬意を表して受け取り、彼が彼の鎧を脱ぐのを助け、彼と夕食で囚人にされた王子と男爵の大部分を楽しませました。彼は王の食卓に仕え、一緒に座ることはせず、「彼はそれほど偉大な王や勇敢な男と一緒に食卓に座る価値はなかった」と宣言し、フランス人が賞賛した多くの心地よい言葉を彼に話しました。彼は非常に高い(Froissart、v。64、288)。翌日、王子はボルドーで退却を続け、慎重に行進しましたが、誰も彼を攻撃しようとはしませんでした。 At Bordeaux, which he reached on 2 Oct., he was received with much rejoicing, and he and his men tarried there through the winter and wasted in festivities the immense spoil they had gathered. On 23 March 1357 he concluded a two years' truce, for he wished to return home. The Gascon lords were unwilling that the king should be carried off to England, and he gave them a hundred thousand crowns to silence their murmurs. He left the country under the government of four Gascon lords and arrived in England on 4 May, after a voyage of eleven days, landing at Plymouth ( Knighton , c. 2615 Eulogium, iii. 227 Walsingham , i. 283 Fœdera, iii. 348, not at Sandwich as Froissart , v. 82). When he entered London in triumph on the 24th, the king, his prisoner, rode a fine white charger, while he was mounted on a little black hackney. Judged by modern ideas the prince's show of humility appears affected, and the Florentine chronicler remarks that the honour done to King John must have increased the misery of the captive and magnified the glory of King Edward but this comment argues a refinement of feeling which neither Englishmen nor Frenchmen of that day had probably attained ( Matt. Villani , vii. c. 66).

After his return to England the prince took part in the many festivals and tournaments of his father's court, and in May 1359 he and the king and other challengers held the lists at a joust proclaimed at London by the mayor and sheriff's, and, to the great delight of the citizens, the king appeared as the mayor and the prince as the senior sheriff ( Barnes , p. 564). Festivities of this sort and the lavish gifts he bestowed on his friends brought him into debt, and on 27 Aug., when a new expedition into France was being prepared, the king granted that if he fell his executors should have his whole estate for four years for the payment of his debts (Fœdera, iii, 445). In October he sailed with the king to Calais, and led a division of the army during the campaign that followed [see under Edward III ]. At its close he took the principal part on the English side in negotiating the treaty of Bretigny, and the preliminary truce arranged at Chartres on 7 May 1360 was drawn up by proctors acting in his name and the name of the regent of France (ib。 iii。 486 Chandos , l. 1539). He probably did not return to England until after his father ( James , ii. 223 n.), who landed at Rye on ​ 18 May. On 9 July he and Henry, duke of Lancaster, landed at Calais in attendance on the French king. As, however, the stipulated instalment of the king's ransom was not ready, he returned to England, leaving John in charge of Sir Walter Manny and three other knights ( Froissart , vi. 24). He accompanied his father to Calais on 9 Oct. to assist at the liberation of King John and the ratification of the treaty, rode with John to Boulogne, where he made his offering in the Church of the Virgin, and returned with his father to England at the beginning of November. On 10 Oct. 1361 the prince, who was then in his thirty-first year, married his cousin Joan, countess of Kent, daughter of Edmund of Woodstock, earl of Kent, younger son of Edward I, by Margaret, daughter of Philip III of France, and widow of Thomas lord Holland, and in right of his wife earl of Kent, then in her thirty-third year, and the mother of three children. As the prince and the countess were related in the third degree, and also by the spiritual tie of sponsorship, the prince being godfather to Joan's elder son Thomas, a dispensation was obtained for their marriage from Innocent VI, though they appear to have been contracted before it was applied for (Fœdera, iii. 626). The marriage was performed at Windsor, in the presence of the king, by Simon, archbishop of Canterbury. It is said that the marriage — that is, no doubt, the contract of marriage — was entered into without the knowledge of the king ( Froissart , vi. 275, Amiens). The prince and his wife resided at Berkhampstead in Hertfordshire. On 19 July 1362 the king granted him all his dominions in Aquitaine and Gascony, to be held as a principality by liege homage on payment of an ounce of gold each year, together with the title of Prince of Aquitaine and Gascony (Fœdera, iii. 667)。 During the rest of the year he was occupied in preparing for his departure to his new principality, and after Christmas he received the king and his court at Berkhampstead, took leave of his father and mother, and in the following February sailed with his wife and all his household for Gascony, and landed at Rochelle. There he was met by Chandos, the king's lieutenant, and proceeded with him to Poitiers, where he received the homage of the lords of Poitou and Saintonge he then rode to various cities and at last came to Bordeaux, where from 9 to 30 July he received the homage of the lords of Gascony. He received all graciously, and kept a splendid court, residing sometimes at Bordeaux and sometimes at Angoulême. He appointed Chandos constable of Guyenne, and provided the knights of his household with profitable offices. They kept much state, and their extravagance displeased the people( Froissart , vi. 82). Many of the Gascon lords were dissatisfied at being handed over to the dominion of the English, and the favour the prince showed to his own countrymen, and the ostentatious magnificence they exhibited, increased this feeling of dissatisfaction. The lord of Albret and many more were always ready to give what help they could to the French cause, and the Count of Foix, though he visited the prince on his first arrival, was thoroughly French at heart, and gave some trouble in 1365 by refusing to do homage for Bearn (Fœdera, iii. 779). Charles V, who succeeded to the throne of France in April 1364, was careful to encourage the malcontents, and the prince's position was by no means easy. In April 1363 the prince mediated between the Counts of Foix and Armagnac, who had for a long time been at war with each other. He also attempted in the following February to mediate between Charles of Blois and John of Montfort, the rival competitors for the duchy of Brittany. Both appeared before him at Poitiers, but his mediation was unsuccessful. The next month he entertained the king of Cyprus at Angoulême, and held a tournament there. At the same time he and his lords excused themselves from assuming the cross. During the summer the lord of Albret was at Paris, and his forces and several other Gascon lords held the French cause in Normandy against the party of Navarre. Meanwhile war was renewed in Brittany the prince allowed Chandos to raise and lead a force to succour the party of Montfort, and Chandos won the battle of Auray against the French.

As the leaders of the free companies which desolated France were for the most part Englishmen or Gascons, they did not ravage Aquitaine, and the prince was suspected, probably not without cause, of encouraging, or at least of taking no pains to discourage, their proceedings ( Froissart , vi. 183). Accordingly on 14 Nov. 1364 Edward called upon him to restrain their ravages (Fœdera, iii。 754). In 1365 these companies, under Sir Hugh Calveley [q. v.] and other leaders, took service with Du Guesclin, who employed them in 1366 in compelling Peter of Castile to flee from his kingdom, and in setting up his bastard brother, Henry of Trastamare, as king in his stead. Peter, who was in alliance with King Edward, sent messengers to the prince asking his help, and on receiving a gracious answer at Corunna, set out at once, and arrived at Bayonne with his son and his three daughters. The prince met him at Cap Breton, and rode with him to Bordeaux. Many ​ of his lords, both English and Gascon, were unwilling that he should espouse Peter's cause, but he declared that it was not fitting that a bastard should inherit a kingdom, or drive out his lawfully born brother, and that no king or king's son ought to suffer such a despite to royalty nor could any turn him from his determmation to restore the king. Peter won friends by declaring that he would make Edward's son king of Galicia, and would divide his riches among those who helped him. A parliament was held at Bordeaux, in which it was decided to ask the wishes of the English king. Edward replied that it was right that his son should help Peter, and the prince held another parliament at which the king's letter was read. Then the lords agreed to give their help, provided that their pay was secured to them. In order to give them the required security, the prince agreed to lend Peter whatever money was necessary. He and Peter then held a conference with Charles of Navarre at Bayonne, and agreed with him to allow their troops to pass through his dominions. In order to persuade him to do this, Peter had, besides other grants, to pay him 56,000 florins, and this sum was lent him by the prince. On 23 Sept. a series of agreements were entered into between the prince, Peter, and Charles of Navarre, at Libourne, on the Dordogne, by which Peter covenanted to put the prince in possession of the province of Biscay and the territory and fortress of Castro de Urdialès as pledges for the repayment of this debt, to pay 550,000 florins for six months' wages at specified dates, 250,000 florins being the prince's wages, and 800,000 florins the wages of the lords who were to serve in the expedition. He consented to leave his three daughters in the prince's hands as hostages for the fulfilment of these terms, and further agreed that whenever the king, the prince, or their heirs, the king of England, should march in person against the Moors, they should have the command of the van before all other christian kings, and that if they were not present the banner of the king of England should be carried in the van side by side with the banner of Castile (ib。 iii。 799-807). The prince received a hundred thousand francs from his father out of the ransom of the late king of France (ib。 NS。 787), and broke up his plate to help to pay the soldiers he was taking into his pay. While his army was assembling he remained at Angoulême, and was there visited by Peter ( Ayala Chandos ). He then stayed over Christmas at Bordeaux, for his wife was there brought to bed of her second son Richard. He left Bordeaux early in February, and joined his army at Dax, where he remained three days, and received a reinforcement of four hundred men-at-arms and four hundred archers sent out by his father under his brother John, duke of Lancaster. From Dax he advanced by St. Jean-Pied-de-Port through Roncesvalles to Pamplona. When Calveley and other English and Gascon leaders of free companies found that he was about to fight for Peter, they threw up the service of Henry of Trastamare, and joined him 'because he was their natural lord' ( Ayala , xviii. 2). While he was at Pamplona he received a letter of defiance from Henry ( Froissart , vii. 10). From Pamplona he marched by Arruiz to Salvatierra, which opened its gates to his army, and thence advanced to Vittoria, intending to march on Burgos by this direct route. A body of his knights, which he had sent out to reconnoitre under Sir William Felton, was defeated by a skirmishing party, and he found that Henry had occupied some strong positions, and especially St. Domingo de la Calzada on the right of the Ebro, and Zaldiaran on the left, which made it impossible for him to reach Burgos through Alava. Accordingly he crossed the Ebro, and encamped under the walls of Logroño. During these movements his army had suffered from want of provisions both for men and horses, and from wet and windy weather. At Logroño, however, though provisions were still scarce, they were somewhat better off, and there on 30 March the prince wrote an answer to Henry's letter. On 2 April he quitted Logroño and moved to Navarrete de Rioja. Meanwhile Henry and his French allies had encamped at Nájara, so that the two armies were now near each other. Letters passed between Henry and the prince, for Henry seems to have been anxious to make terms. He declared that Peter was a tyrant, and had shed much innocent blood, to which the prince replied that the king had told him that all the persons he had slain were traitors. The next morning the prince's army marched from Navarrete, and all dismounted while they were yet some distance from Henry's army. The van, in which were three thousand men-at-arms, both English and Bretons, was led by Lancaster, Chandos, Calveley, and Clisson the right division was commanded by Armagnac and other Gascon lords the left, in which some German mercenaries marched with the Gascons, by the Captal de Buch and the Count of Foix and the rear or main battle by the prince, with three thousand lances, and with the prince was Peter and, a little on his right, the dethroned king of Majorca and his company the numbers, however, are scarcely to be depended ​ on. Before the battle began the prince prayed aloud to God that as he had come that day to uphold the right and reinstate a disinherited king, God would grant him success. Then, after telling Peter that he should know that day whether he should have his kingdom or not, he cried: 'Advance, banner, in the name of God and St. George and God defend our right.' The knights of Castile pressed his van sorely, but the wings of Henry's army behaved ill, and would not move, so that the Gascon lords were able to attack the main body on the flanks. Then the prince brought the main body of his army into action, and the fight became hot, for he had under him 'the flower of chivalry, and the most famous warriors in the whole world.' At length Henry's van gave way, and he fled from the field ( Ayala , xviii. c. 23 Friossart , vii. 37 Chandos , 1. 3107 sq. Du Guesclin , p. 49). When the battle was over the prince besought Peter to spare the lives of those who had offended him. Peter assented, with the exception of one notorious traitor, whom he at once put to death, and he also had two others slain the next day. Among the prisoners was the French marshal Audeneham, whom the prince had formerly taken prisoner at Poitiers, and whom he had released on his giving his word that he would not bear arms against him until his ransom was paid. When the prince saw him he reproached him bitterly, and called him 'liar and traitor.' Audeneham denied that he was either, and the prince asked him whether he would submit to the judgment of a body of knights. To this Audeneham agreed, and after he had dined the prince chose twelve knights, four English, four Gascons, and four Bretons, to judge between himself and the marshal. After he had stated his case, Audeneham replied that he had not broken his word, for the army the prince led was not his own he was merely in the pay of Peter. The knights considered that this view of the prince's position was sound, and gave their verdict for Audeneham ( Ayala ).

On 5 April the prince and Peter marched to Burgos, and there kept Easter. The prince, however, did not take up his quarters in the city, but camped outside the walls at the monastery of Las Helgas. Peter did not pay him any of the money he owed him, and he could get nothing from him except a solemn renewal of his bond of the previous 23 Sept., which he made on 2 May before the high altar of the cathedral of Burgos (Fœdera, iii. 825). By this time the prince began to suspect his ally of treachery. Peter had no intention of paying his debts, and when the prince demanded possession of Biscay told him that the Biscayans would not consent to be handed over to him. In order to get rid of his creditor he told him that he could not get money at Burgos, and persuaded the prince to take up his quarters at Valladolid while he went to Seville, whence he declared he would send the money he owed. The prince remained at Valladolid during some very hot weather, waiting in vain for his money. His army sufiered so terribly from dysentery and other diseases that it is said that scarcely one Englishman out of five ever saw England again ( Knighton , c. 2629). He was himself seized with a sickness from which he never thoroughly recovered, and which some said was caused by poison ( Walsingham , i. 305). Food and drink were scarce, and the free companies in his pay did much mischief to the surrounding country ( Chandos , 1. 3670 sq.) Meanwhile Henry of Trastamare made war upon Aquitaine, took Bagnères and wasted the country. Fearing that Charles of Navarre would not allow him to return through his dominions, the prince negotiated with the king of Aragon for a passage for his troops. The king made a treaty with him, ana when Charles of Navarre heard of it he agreed to allow the prince, the Duke of Lancaster, and some of their lords to pass through his country so they returned through Roncesvalles, and reached Bordeaux early in September. Some time after he had returned the companies, some six thousand strong, also reached Aquitaine, having passed through Aragon. As they had not received the whole of the money the prince had agreed to pay them, they took up their quarters in his country and began to do much mischief. He persuaded the captains to leave Aquitaine, and the companies under their command crossed the Loire and did much damage to France. This greatly angered Charles V, who about this time did the prince serious mischief by encouraging disaffection among the Gascon lords. When the prince was gathering his army for his Spanish expedition, the lord of Albret agreed to serve with a thousand lances. Considering, however, that he had at least as many men as he could find provisions for, the prince on 8 Dec. 1366 wrote to him requesting that he would bring two hundred lances only. The lord of Albret was much incensed at this, and, though peace was made by his uncle the Count of Armagnac, did not forget the offence, and Froissart speaks of it as the 'first cause of hatred between him and the prince.' A more powerful cause of this lord's discontent was the non-payment of an annual pension which had been granted him by Edward. About this time he agreed to marry ​ Margaret of Bourbon, sister of the queen of France. The prince was much vexed at this, and, his temper probably being soured by sickness and disappointment, behaved with rudeness to both D'Albret and his intended bride. On the other hand, Charles offered the lord the pension which he had lost, and thus drew him and his uncle, the Count of Armagnac, altogether over to the French side. The immense cost of the late campaign and his constant extravagance had brought the prince into difficulties, and as soon as he returned to Bordeaux he called an assembly of the estates of Aquitaine to meet at St. Emilion in order to obtain a grant from them. It seems as though no business was done then, for in January 1368 he held a meeting of the estates at Angoulême, and there prevailed on them to allow him a fouage, or hearth-tax, of ten sous for five years. An edict for this tax was published on 25 Jan. The chancellor, John Harewell, held a conference at Niort, at which he persuaded the barons of Poitou, Saintonge, Limousin, and Rouergue to agree to this tax, but the great vassals of the high marches refused, and on 20 June and again on 25 Oct. the Counts of Armagnac, Périgord, and Comminges, and the lord of Albret laid their complaints before the king of France, declaring that he was their lord paramount ( Froissart , i. 548 n., Buchon). Meanwhile the prince's friend Chandos, who strongly urged him against imposing this tax, had retired to his Norman estate.

Charles took advantage of these appeals, and on 25 Jan. 1369 sent messengers to the prince, who was then residing at Bordeaux, summoning him to appear in person before him in Paris and there receive judgment. He replied: 'We will willingly attend at Paris on the day appointed since the king of France sends for us, out it shall be with our helmet on our head and sixty thousand men in our company.' He caused the messengers to be imprisoned, and in revenge for this the Counts of Périgord and Comminges and other lords set on the high-steward of Rouergue, slew many of his men, and put him to flight. The prince sent for Chandos, who came to his help, and some fighting took place, though war was not yet declared. His health was now so feeble that he could not take part in active operations, for he was swollen with dropsy and could not ride. By 18 March more than nine hundred towns, castles, and other places signified in one way or another their adherence to the French cause ( Froissart , vii. Pref. p. lviii). He had already warned his father of the intentions of the French king, but there was evidently a party at Edward's court that was jealous of his power, and his warnings were slighted. In April, however, war was declared. Edward sent the Earls of Cambridge and Pembroke to his assistance, and Sir Robert Knolles, who now again took service with, him, added much to his strength. The war in Aquitaine was desultory, and, though the English maintained their ground fairly in the field, every day that it was prolonged weakened their hold on the country. On 1 Jan. 1370 the prince sustained a heavy loss in the death of his friend Chandos. Several efforts were made by Edward to conciliate the Gascon lords [see under Edward III ], but they were fruitless and can only have served to weaken the prince's authority. It is probable that John of Gaunt was working against him at the English court, and when he was sent out in the summer to help his brother, he came with such extensive powers that he almost seemed as though he had come to supersede him. In the spring Charles raised two large armies for the invasion of Aquitaine one, under the Duke of Anjou, was to enter Guyenne by La Reole and Bergerac, the other, under the Duke of Berry, was to march towards Limousin and Queray, and both were to unite and besiege the prince in Angoulême. Ill as he was, the prince left his bed of sickness ( Chandos , 1. 4043) and gathered an army at Cognac, where he was joined by the Barons of Poitou and Saintonge, and the Earls of Cambridge, Lancaster, and Pembroke. The two French armies gained many cities, united and laid siege to Limoges, which was treacherously surrendered to them by the bishop, who had been one of the prince's trusted friends. When the prince heard of the surrender, he swore 'by the soul of his father' that he would have the place again and would make the inhabitants pay dearly for their treachery. He set out from Cognac with an army of twelve hundred lances, a thousand archers, and three thousand foot. His sickness was so great that he was unable to mount his horse, and was carried in a litter. The success of the French in Aquitaine was checked about this time by the departure of Du Guesclin, who was summoned to the north to stop the ravages of Sir Robert Knolles. Limoges made a gallant defence, and the prince determined to take it by undermining the walls. His mines were constantly countermined by the garrison, and it was not until the end of October, after a month's siege, that his miners succeieded in demolishing a large piece of wall which filled the ditches with its ruins. The prince ordered that no quarter should be given, and a terrible massacre took place ​ of persons of all ranks and ages. Many piteous appeals were made to him for mercy, but he would not hearken, and three thousand men, women, and children are said to have been put to the sword. When the bishop was brought before him, he told him that his head should be cut off, but Lancaster begged him of his brother, and so, while so many innocent persons were slain, the life of the chief offender was spared. The city was pillaged and burnt ( Froissart , i. 620, Buchon Cont。 Murimuth , p. 209). The prince returned to Cognac his sickness increased, and he was forced to give up all hope of being able to direct any further operations and to proceed first to Angoulème and then to Bordeaux. The death of his eldest son Edward, which happened at this time, grieved him greatly he became worse, and his surgeon advised him to return to England. He left Aquitaine in charge of Lancaster, landed at Southampton early in January 1371, met his father at Windsor, and put a stop to a treaty the king had made the previous month with Charles of Navarre, for he would not consent to the cession of territory that Charles demanded (Fœdera, iii。 967), and then went to his manor of Berkhampstead, ruined alike in health and in fortune.

On his return to England the prince was probably at once recognised as the natural opponent of the influence exercised by the anti-clerical and Lancastrian party, and it is evident that the clergy trusted him for on 2 May he met the convocation of Canterbury at the Savoy, and persuaded them to make an exceptionally large grant ( Wilkins , Concilia, iii。 91 ). His health now began to improve, and in August 1372 he sailed with his father to the relief of Thouars but the fleet never reached the French coast. On 6 Oct. he resigned the principality of Aquitaine and Gascony, giving as his reason that its revenues were no longer sufficient to cover expenses, and acknowledging his resignation in the parliament of the next month. At the conclusion of this parliament, after the knights had been dismissed, he met the citizens and burgesses 'in a room near the white chamber,' and prevailed on them to extend the customs granted the year before for the protection of merchant shipping for another year (Rot. Parl。 ii。 310 Hallam , Const Hist, iii. 47). It is said that after Whitsunday (20 May) 1374 the prince presided at a council of prelates and nobles held at Westminster to answer a demand from Gregory XI for a subsidy to help him against the Florentines. The bishops, after hearing the pope's letter, which asserted his right as lord spiritual, and, by the grant of John, lord in chief, of the kingdom, declared that 'he was lord of all.' The cause of the crown, however, was vigorously maintained, and the prince, provoked at the hesitation of Archbishop Wittlesey, spoke sharply to him, and at last told him that he was an ass. The bishops gave way, and it was declared that John had no power to bring the realm into subjection (Cont. Eulogiim, iii. 337. This story, told at length by the continuator of the 'Eulogium,' presents some difficulties, and the pope's pretension to sovereignty and the answer that was decided on read like echoes of the similar incidents in 1366). The prince's sickness again became very heavy, though when the 'Good parliament' met on 28 April 1376 he was looked upon as the chief support of the commons in their attack on the abuses of the administration, and evidently acted in concert with William of Wykeham in opposing the influence of Lancaster and the disreputable clique of courtiers who upheld it, and he had good cause to fear that his brother's power would prove dangerous to the prospects of his son Richard (Chron. Angliæ, Pref. xxix, pp. 74, 75, 393). Richard Lyons, the king's financial agent, who was impeached for gigantic frauds, sent him a bribe of 1,000l。 and other gifts, but he refused to receive it, though he afterwards said that it was a pity he had not kept it, and sent it to pay the soldiers who were fighting for the kingdom (ib、 NS。 80). From the time that the parliament met he knew that he was dying, and was much in prayer, and did many good and charitable works. His dysentery became very violent, and he often fainted from weakness, so that his household believed that he was actually dead. Yet he bore all his sufferings patiently, and 'made a very noble end, remembering God his Creator in his heart,' and bidding his people pray for him (ib。 NS。 88 Chandos , 1. 4133). He gave gifts to all his servants, and took leave of the king his father, asking him three things, that he would confirm his gifts, pay his debts quickly out of his estate, and protect his son Richard. These things the king promised. Then he called his young son to him, and bound him under a curse not to take away the gifts he had bestowed. Shortly before he died Sir Richard Stury, one of the courtiers of Lancaster's party, came to see him. The prince reproached him bitterly for his evil deeds. Then his strength failed. In his last moments he was attended by the Bishop of Bangor, who urged him to ask forgiveness of God and of all those whom he had injured. For a while he would not do this, but at last joined his hands and prayed that God and man would grant him pardon, and so died in ​ his forty-sixth year. His death took place at the palace of Westminster ( Walsingham , i, 321 Froissart , i, 706, Buchonl it is asserted by Caxton, in his continuation of the 'Polychronicon,' cap.8,' that the prince dies at his manor of Kennington and that his body was brought to Westminster) on 8 July, Trinity Sunday, a day he had always kept with special reverence ( Chandos , 1. 4201). He was buried with great state in Canterbury Cathedral on 29 Sept., and the directions contained in his will were followed at his funeral, in the details of his tomb, and in the famous epitaph placed upon it. Above it still hang his surcoat, helmet, shield and gauntlets. He had two sons by his wife Joan Edward, born at Angoulême on 27 July 1364 (Eulogia), 1365 ( Murimuth ), or 1363 ( Froissart ), died immediately before his father's return to England in January 1371, and was buried in the church of the Austin Friars, London ( Weiver , Funeral Monuments, p, 419) and Richard who succeeded his grandfather on the throne and it is said, two bastard sons, Sir John Sounder and Sir Roger Clarendon [q.v]

[Barnes's Hist. of Edward III with that of the Black Prince [see under Edward III ] Collins's Life of Edward, Prince of Wales [see Collins, Arthur ] G. P. R. James's Hist. of the Life of Edward the Black Prince, 1822, eulogistic and wordy, but useful in the edition of 1836 James defends his work from the strictures of the Athenæum Longman's Life and Times of Edward III Murimuth cum cont. Engl. Hist. Soc. T. Walsingham, Eulogium Hist., and Chron. Angliæ (Rolls Ser.) Robert of Avesbury, ed. Hearne Knighton, ed. Twysden Stow's Annales G. le Baker, ed. Giles Sloane MSS. 56 and 335 Archæologia, xxix. xxxi. xxxii. Rolls of Parliament Rymer's Fœdera, Record ed. Jehan le Bel, ed. Polain Froissart, ed. Luce and ed. Buchon Le Prince Noir, poème du Héraut Chandos, ed. Fr. Michel Chronique de Bertrand du Guesclin, Panthéon Litt. Istorie di Matteo Villaui, Muratori, Rerum Ital. NS。 xiv. For the battle of Poitiers, Mémoires de la Société des Antiquaires de l'Ouest, viii. 59, xi. 76. For the Spanish campaign, Lopez de Ayala's Crónicas de los Reyes de Castilla, ed. 1779. For other references see under Edward III , in text of above art., and in the notes of M. Luce's Froissart.]


Royal Burials in the Chapel by location

Princess Charlotte (daughter of George IV) (d.1817)

Princess Amelia, daughter of George III (d.1810)

Princess Augusta, Duchess of Brunswick, sister of George III (d.1813)

Stillborn son of Princess Charlotte(d. 1817)

Princess Charlotte (daughter of George IV) (d.1817)

Queen Charlotte, wife of George III (d.1818)

Prince Edward, Duke of Kent, father of Queen Victoria (d.1820)

Prince Alfred, son of George III (d.1782, placed in vault 1820)

Prince Octavius, son of George III (d.1783, placed in vault 1820)

Princess Elizabeth, daughter of William IV (d.1821)

Prince Frederick, Duke of York (d.1827)

Still-born daughter of Prince Ernest Augustus, son of George III (d.1818)

Princess Sophia, daughter of George III (d.1840)

Queen Adelaide, wife of William IV (d.1849)

Prince Frederick of Schleswig-Holstein, son of Princess Christian (d.1876)

King George V of Hanover (d.1878)

Victoria von Pawel Rammingen, daughter of Princess Frederica of Hanover (d.1881)

Princess Mary Adelaide, Duchess of Teck, mother of Queen Mary (d.1897)

Prince Francis, Duke of Teck, father of Queen Mary (d.1900)

Princess Frederika of Hanover (d.1926)

Prince Adolphus, Duke of Cambridge, grandfather of Queen Mary (d.1850, placed in vault 1930)

Princess Augusta, Duchess of Cambridge, grandmother of Queen Mary (d.1889, placed in vault 1930)

HRH Prince Philip, The Duke of Edinburgh (d. 2021)

North Quire Aisle:

Queen Elizabeth Woodville (d. 1492)

Princess Louise, Duchess of Saxe-Weimar, niece of Queen Adelaide (d.1832)

King George VI Memorial Chapel:

King George VI (d.1952, buried in chapel 1969)

Princess Margaret, Countess of Snowdon (d.2002) (ashes)

South Quire Aisle:

King Henry VI (d.1471)


The Black Prince

すべての写真を見る

Although he has no connection with the city, Edward, The Black Prince sits in the city center of Leeds. A large bronze statue captures the war hero and eldest son of Edward III. Sculpted by artist Thomas Brook, Edward of Woodstock was named the Black Prince after his death, due to the color of much of his armor.

The statue took seven years to complete and was forged in Belgium as there was no forge in Britain large enough to aid in its completion. On its return, the statue was towed into Leeds aboard a barge on the canal. It was unveiled on September 16, 1903, and has been located in City Square ever since. On horseback, Edward is portrayed in a heroic battle pose and sits on a plinth adorned with lion heads.

He’s flanked in the square by eight lamp bearers, who represent different times of the day. Designed by Sir Alfred Drury, they were created to mark Leeds’ new city status. They caused a bit of controversy when first created due to how the women were portrayed.

Know Before You Go

Right in the heart of the city, it’s best to park in one of the City Centre car parks, and explore the square on foot.


Canterbury Cathedral

Canterbury’s transformation from village to proper city happened during the Roman era when in 55 BC Julius Caesar decided to make the city a commercial forum.

The county was firstly conquered by the Jutes, and subsequently by the Angles and Saxons. Kent became a Saxon kingdom at the end of the VI century. Even Canterbury, the main town in Kent (and one of the few Roman cities that was not abandoned following the invasions), had been assigned a Saxon name that is still preserved: Cantwarabyrig, ‘the city of the men of Kent’.

At that time, England was still predominantly pagan. The evangelisation of the country began in Canterbury, and since that moment, the city has become the spiritual capital of the island.

This had been the primary objective of the Church of Rome and, later, also that of England.

In 597, the monk Augustine landed on the coast of Kent, sent by Pope Gregory I to convert the Saxons. He was amicably received by King Aethelbert, still a pagan, although married to a princess of the Franks of the Christian religion, Bertha. On a hill, outside the Roman city walls, the queen had founded a church dedicated to St. Martin, which still exists and is considered the oldest consecrated church in England.

Shortly afterward, the king and his subjects converted to Christianity. Augustine, who had already founded a monastery, then decided to build a larger church within the city walls. The Pope gave this church the status of a cathedral, so Canterbury became the first episcopal seat of England, and the monk Augustine was its his first bishop.

At the end of the VII century, the city was recognised as the primatial seat of England. The monastery of Augustine disappeared during the Viking invasions, which devastated England in the IX and X centuries. It was rebuilt in 978 by Archbishop Dunstan, who consecrated it to its founder, who, in the meantime, had been canonised by the Church.

The cathedral was also rebuilt on two occasions: after the Danish attack of 1013 and after the Norman conquest of 1066.

In 1067, the first cathedral was destroyed by flames and later, it was enlarged by William the Conqueror (1070-1077).

In 1174, a fire almost completely destroyed the cathedral. The French architect William of Sens took care of its reconstruction, having decided to entirely rebuild the building in the Gothic style (already dominant in France).

Thus, Canterbury had the first Gothic cathedral in England, a splendid building with a double cross plan and three naves, especially notable for its length: 168 meters. This side of the cathedral also preserves the only original stained-glass windows, which survived the iconoclasm of the Anglican reform and the bombings of the Second World War.

The building was expanded more and more, year after year, thus creating the famous Canterbury Cathedral.

Canterbury Cathedral is famous because of a murder that took place within that building: Thomas Becket, the archbishop, and the former chancellor was assassinated by the king’s men due to a conspiracy. In fact, Becket refused to accept the Constitutions of Calderon in which ecclesiastical power was limited. Initially, Becket was a close friend of King Henry II before becoming archbishop. He was exiled in France for 6 years after a conflict with the sovereign. Upon his return, in the year 1170, the tensions resurfaced and it is said that the King exclaimed publicly: “Will no one rid me of this turbulent priest?”. Four knights decided to support the king and left for Canterbury. On the evening of December 29, the knights followed Becket inside the Cathedral and killed him, in a place today called ‘The Martyrdom’. Until 1220, the remains and the tomb of Becket were on the east side of the Crypt, and only two days after his killing, pilgrims began to arrive in large number at the Cathedral, especially when the legends of various miracles were spread. Thomas was canonised in 1173. In 1220, the tomb of the saint was transferred in the new Trinity Chapel, created specifically for Becket: he remained there until 1538. The assassination of Archbishop Thomas Becket made the Cathedral one of the top pilgrimage destinations in Europe. The assassination was recalled by the playwright Thomas Stearns Eliot in his theatrical masterpiece Murder in the Cathedral.

In 1540, monasteries were dissolved the king removed the Prior and the monks. Monasteries were dissolved because of an ideological conflict between the Pope and Henry VIII: in fact, the king desired to break the sacred bond of Christian marriage in order to attain divorce from his consort Catherine of Aragon and marry Anne Boleyn. This conflict culminated in England’s separation from the Church of Rome. Such break may have also been inspired by the Evangelical Reformation which was spreading across Europe during those years.

One of the most famous tomb within the Cathedral is that of Edward the Black Prince, eldest son of King Edward III. He was young when he died, and therefore never managed to succeed his father on the throne. However, Edward was a brave and daring fighter in the wars against France. It is said that the French coined the nickname ‘Black Prince’ due to the fear he inspired in his enemies and his indomitable ardor in battle.

When he died, Edward asked to be buried in the Crypt.

In front of the tomb of the Black Prince other two royal figures are buried: King Henry IV and his Queen, Joan of Navarre.

建築

The Cathedral can be considered the result of the fusion between two architectural styles: the French – Norman style (in the eastern side of the Cathedral a Romanesque style prevails with blind arches and rough surfaces) and the English style (in the western side of the cathedral the Gothic style is characterised by numerous pointed arches and pinnacles).

The Cathedral of Canterbury is the first important example of English Gothic architecture, which is evident in the construction of the choir, the nave, the triforium, and the clerestory.

The Cathedral is built in Caen stone (i.e. a stone mined in north-western France, near the city of Caen), which gives the building a creamy-yellowish colour. A large staircase unites the eastern and western side of the church.

The Canterbury Tales

The pilgrimages to the tomb of Thomas Becket brought great prosperity to the city and its cathedral for centuries. The incredibly famous カンタベリー物語, written in the XIV century by Geoffrey Chaucer, narrate the journey of a group of pilgrims from London to the sanctuary of Thomas Becket.

In the mid-XVI century, the religious reform of Henry VIII, which involved the abolition of religious orders and the cult of saints, ended this prosperity and reduced the importance of Canterbury.

Not even the cathedral was able to escape the change: the anti-papal uprisings, especially during the English revolution of the XVII century, caused the destruction of sacred images, stained glass windows, and tombs, including that of St. Thomas Becket. The Anglican reform also implied the closure of the abbey of St. Augustine. Most of the abbey buildings were abandoned and today they are in ruins. The cloister and the chapter house still exist and they were integrated into Saint Augustine’s College, founded after the reform.

参考文献

[1.] Dudley, C. J. (2010). Canterbury Cathedral: Aspects of Its Sacramental Geometry. Xlibris Corporation.

[2.] Farmer, D. H. (1992). The Oxford Dictionary of Saints (3rd ed.). Oxford University Press.

[3.] Foyle, J. (2013). The Architecture of Canterbury Cathedral. Scala Arts and Heritage Publishers.


ビデオを見る: 恐るべき黒太子の登場百年戦争のクレシーの戦い世界の戦術戦略


コメント:

  1. Grahem

    y?E

  2. Mura

    その中で何かがあります。以前は違った考え方をしましたが、この質問の助けに感謝します。

  3. Taukazahn

    おめでとうございます、あなたは単に明るい考えによって訪問されました

  4. Jenyd

    あなたを中断してすみません。

  5. Lambert

    彼らは間違ってる。私はそれについて議論することを提案します。午後に私に手紙を書いてください、話してください。



メッセージを書く